The Meanings of National Labour

Duties and Obligations

Ethno-nationalists have stated, from the beginning, that every man has the right¹ to work, work of his own making being the central thrust of this position, either directly supporting his family on a sustained area (i.e. Farm or ranch – food and livestock being of utmost importance to individuals and the nation), or as a worker for any number of public or governmental/civic areas that will foster his personal inclinations, his natural state of well-being and that of his family’s interests (i.e. those elements of free enterprise both within and outside of the ‘family’ proper).

The struggle of man against the elements will, with time, produce those who are best suited to claim a heritage rich in both financial gain, as well as a proud legacy to their children. The ethno-nationalist sees the ‘worker’, specifically, as the ‘gross national product’ of any nation (This is true even amongst the various ethnic units, as they are, today, separate units in certain ‘states’, counties, and city limits). The purpose of ethnic nationalism, in part, is to assure that this legacy, right, and duty, remain a living part of our culture. Those who do not work at their craft or ability, and remain healthy, will not benefit at the expense of the nation.

Ethnic nationalism supports, in principle, the right to ‘strike’, and even to ‘lock-out’, if restrictive and onerous policies are enacted by local, state, or governmental sanctions; austerity is another matter entire, but this is only effect, and the causual implications are another matter which ethnic nationalism addresses.

Moreover, one must bear in mind that many of the modern and twenty-first century ‘strikes and lock-outs’, as in the past, take on the various manifestation of the ‘liberal idea’, neither one serves either the ‘social’ or ‘national’ economy – as we here, in America, have very little national economy in the true sense of the word – and it is seen by ethnic nationalists that both share the egoism of that liberal class and class-distinction, without regard for the folk-community or ethno-state as an intrinsic and necessary part of the development of labour. In today’s marketplace, the assorted Babylon of interests, has taken front seat to a focused and organized perception and introduction of works, which promote labour both as vocation as well as production, which serves the interest of both the State and the individual.

Craft-guilds, associations, and unions are a necessary part of the folk-community, provided they work for the community and not in contravention of it, as a singular and organic strata, of the totality of our ethno-state.

It is not the specific obligation of ‘government’ to provide work, but a reasonable and utilitarian understanding of the ‘role’ of government to foster and encourage works of all kinds (with reasonable understanding of our environment and natural resources) which allow for personal and institutional genius to provide public and private works which are both beautiful and utilitarian in nature, a source of both personal and national pride which fosters that inner energy which the majority of men and women would dedicate their lives if allowed to come to fruition. The manner of esthetics and artistic preponderance shall come from the ethno-state, it’s folk-community, and its ethnic citizens only; it is in this way that a common harmony will exist, with no apologies to the latter.

Moreover, the ethnic nationalist sees that community, harmony, and production is based upon mutual work ethics, not subject to the discriminatory interdiction of governments or organizations which seek to alienate a homogeneous work-force which is willing to sacrifice, be industrious, and willing to work for long periods (i.e. years) in the realization of national projects, thereby ensuring a long-lasting and credible union of workers, as well as private sector which also shares in the traditional extension of professional crafts and trades.

The ethnic nationalist sees the balance of social and national concerns to be simple commonsense, with little or no conflict between the two, if personal greed, agendas, and individual enterprise run amok, only be contained within proper limits. The State may play a cursory part, in fact, it may play important parts, but this would be seen as cause, the common worker (if there is such a thing) will become the effect in a system of ethno-nationalism.

The ethnic nationalist sees the reintroduction of those fraternal orders, both modern and ancient which, as in days past, were instructive and committed to the furtherance of individual trades to large groups of individuals who, it may happen, were not afforded educational disciplines, yet will flower with direct experience in the field (and proper instruction), and will also add to the fresh ideas and vitality of continued and sustained progress.

Moreover, progress as the ethnic nationalist sees it, is of a more restrained rhythm than is seen today, as modern capitalism sustains itself not on great ideas, or even of the level of its workers (as it does not promote, of itself, beauty or harmony, but only production – and this at an ever frenzied rate which, after another generation will exhaust even its foreign components, not to mention the white ethnics which will have long ceased to compete for reasons of economics), but on the artificial rate of machines and deadlines which have turned the average worker into a unthinking machine, who seeks nothing greater than a pay-check. Ethnic nationalism will change this.

The rate of Labour, that is, the speed in which labour is forced to compete in our perverted modern capitalism, is such a rate, that even if a ethno-state was at first realized, not even a unit such as this could continue at breakneck speeds for long; and at any rate, our bodies are not conditioned to repetitively invoke the same or similar motions constantly, without break or respite, and then spend time with one’s family as is necessary for strong and harmonious personal and national life. The organ of modern industry creates massive machines, but mostly weapons of war (on a grand scale, as it were), and this labour force is dedicated to destruction, whether this will save ‘our way of life’, remains to be seen, and fosters yet more millions of man-hours which could otherwise be focused on building a greater and more affluent cultural milieu for the nation-at-large. Competition is healthy – yet this concept is based upon human competition, not competition based upon machines, technologies, or whatever device, strikes a rhythm, which is outside the purview of the human element.

Therefore, the ethnic nationalist sees the role of unions, associations, and craft-unions as the nations conscience, and should work in harmony with legislative injunctions, not in constant conflict between the two; business or corporate owners are encouraged to make profits which will benefit the nation, as well as themselves, but to always bear in mind, that the human element – that is, their own root and stock – are not to be gouged or duped into the morass of arbitration and compromise; just fair and honest projects, for fair and honest work. A healthy and vibrant state mechanism shall ensure that this relationship be maintained.

1. Note: This is not, however, the so-called ‘right-to-work’ presented to the mass body of citizens who, in their careless and naïve outlook, see ‘right to work’ as simply a economic device, by which the ‘country’ may save money – this is another great lie of capitalism, as it asserts the value of ‘exchange’ over that of individual or collective [racial] value – the right to work implies a reasonable assessment of natural resources, the collective will of the ‘state’ to envision a broad-base of endeavors, crafts, and public works which, with time, allow those with skills to participate in a free environment of work, compensatory to their skills, based on a national economic means. FLS