Of all the modern intellectual expressions of ethnic survival, professor Kevin McDonald brings, to me at least, both a sympathetic and acutely professional portrayal of the ‘scientific’ applications and causes of racial identity – but this, on its face, does a disservice to this individual, as it places him, and others of his class, out of the rudimentary mainstream but, in reality, should be looked at, firstly, as a voice, an individual element of the racial organism1 itself; secondly, that this voice is shared by the majority of white Americans in the way in which professor McDonald elucidates his feelings:
While growing up I would often read accounts of European heroes who had battled for their people and for great causes. William Wallace, Robert Bruce and the Scots against the English, Sir Francis Drake leading the battle against the Spanish Armada, Charles Martel and the Franks defending Europe against the Muslims, King Leonidas and the Spartans at Thermopylae, and many others. Those days seem over now. Our political leaders are actually managing the displacement of their own people, and very few white people have the courage to do anything other than vote them back into office. Or they vote for the other party, which simply changes the faces of the managers.
How can it have come to this? One might think that evolution would have equipped us with powerful mechanisms of ethnocentrism and group identity that would ensure that such a thing could never happen. We would naturally stand up for our people and fight the good fight, even at great cost. We would willingly die for our people—like William Wallace… 2
Truly beautiful prose; and precisely describing the sympathies and understandings of every ethno-nationalist.
He laments, as well, that the above ‘psychology’ ceases to exist within our community:
But there are no William Wallaces or mass movements of racial defense for Europeans, and the question is why this is so. The even more important question is how we can use our understanding of psychology to chart a path to legitimizing and building a movement of racial defense. 3
And yet, the professor makes the same omission which many of academic distinction seem to make when detailing the very struggle of which they have worked to formulate the ‘cause and reason’ of such actions as he describes above – ethno-nationalists, (which include many patriotic organizations and individuals), have a pantheon of individuals and groups who have, specifically, given everything they had, including their lives in some cases, in simply following their desires to be free men; in some cases, as in the case of Robert J. Mathews, his personal experience is, in the hearts and minds of ethno-nationalists, to be placed in the same category of those ‘wallaces’ described by the professor.
These types of omissions have always confused me, but are a side issue in the context of this work.
Nevertheless, the professor’s remarks are potent, and will be used to set up the remainder of this section. The term ‘social contract’ may seem like platitudes or unnecessary verbiage to many, even of the old and new adherent, but is a term which is understood by those who have worked within ethno-nationalist or ‘patriotic’ movements, as a social contract, as the phrase describes, is an “unwritten understanding” between “a people and themselves”, as in the ancient Hellenic4 view.
More often than not, the so-called ‘racial milieu’ of ideas and political groupings within the ethno-nationalist system, fail to publicly address in a cogent and official capacity, the very intent and creation of organic ethnic-nationalism itself; this allows our detractors to position the narrative, itself a creature of the intense love and respect we all share for the institutions and ‘social contract’ of those whom dedicated themselves and their posterity to this very mission, thereby misdirecting the uninitiated into unfamiliar and dangerous ground.
When a ethno-nationalist stands for tradition, it means so much more than simply passing off the ‘past’, as sufficient for what we perceive as the future. The white nationalist sees himself as part of a larger awareness, yet is unable to verbalize these feelings into real political action, because of many factors, including the (a) lack of public venues, (b) social/political ostracization, (c) academic discrimination, and certain ‘law enforcement’ prejudice which, if taken in toto, create much more than an ‘atmosphere’ of restriction and denial of our positions receiving their fair and impartial hearing. Moreover, add to this above description, the total lack of professional legal attention, which also compounds the uphill battle faced by ethnic nationalists generally. The ‘legal’ implications, as an aside, is a very strong one, yet I hesitate to tackle this issue, and will refer to the acumen of those individuals who have dedicated their lives to this aspect of our struggle – but in my own way, let me say, categorically, that the ‘law’ does favor our interests – yet the lack of ability or opportunity to present these issues remains, for all intents and purposes, insurmountable.
This will change, however, in coming years.
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Notes:
1 cf. ROTW.
2 McDonald, Kevin – The Occidental Quarterly - Vol. 6, No. 4.
3 Ibid.
4 Here I speak of Athens and Sparta, but is not limited to these two: For instance, Pericles had expressed the opinion that the unwritten law stood higher than the written, and Michael Angelo put his imprint this way:
in pietra od in candido foglioche nulla ha dentro, et evvi ci ch‘io vogilo!
“Into this stone there comes nothing but what I put there“
It is this intent, with which I would direct your attention. FLS